Our sovereignty is not dependent on the recognition of any political bodies or tribunals. It has existed as a fact in law, which is demonstrated in the display of our national banners and familial coats of arms.
Sovereignty is often synonymous with independence, but it legally is defined as the supreme authority. After witnessing the plight of the Britons, and already knowing the struggles of his ancestors, Llywelyn lodged a claim to the hereditaments and separate fons honorums to the ancient Kingdoms of Cymru, or Britain (Wales); and established himself as the leader of the nation of Britons, in accordance with the native British (Welsh) laws regarding succession to kingship, and international laws regarding the rights of dethroned monarchies, and governments in exile.
Although Llywelyn is the legitimate British (Cymric) King, other nations regards him as a prince because he is forced to live in exile. A Pretender Prince is an aspirant or claimant to a throne that has been abolished, suspended, or is wrongly occupied by another. However, the international personalities that he treaties with and his supporters regard him as a King. Llywelyn has proven that the Britons still have a lawful claim to sovereignty, and that he had a right to call the native titles out of abeyance after the office of leadership was left vacant.
Under the laws of nations, regardless the duration of the usurpation the sovereignty of the nation may be kept alive indefinitely if the people of the nation protest the usurpation. There is a plethora of evidence to show that multiple parties have attempted to silence the voice of the Britons via force and coercion over the centuries.
According to Davies in, “A History of Wales” (2007), page 193, The dragon banner flown by Owain Glyndŵr “suggests that in 1401 his ideas were still rooted in the apocalyptic tradition of the legends of Nennius and Geoffrey of Monmouth”.
The greatest symbol of a nation is her flag, and the Britons have consistently displayed diplomatic protest by flying their own flags, separate and independent from the United Kingdom’s flag. Flags and standards are accepted as symbols of sovereignty under international law. Our national flag is said to be the oldest in all of Europe. It has flown over the Romans, Saxons, Jutes, Normans, and English.
‘The Dragon, the draco standards of the Imperial legions, ‘a huge creature of barbaric aspect, inflated with air, fastened to the top of a spear’, remains after all these centuries, the emblem of Wales and perhaps the oldest of the flags of the European nations. Maelgwn Gwynedd, Cunedda’s great-grandson, was called by St. Gildas, Insularis Draco, wielding the authority of the Dux Britanniae with his dragon standard, and in the seventh century the red dragon of King Cadwaladr the Blessed asserted the Roman and Christian prerogative of the last descendant of Cunedda who runs as in a position to attempt its enforcement with the sword.’
“The Monarchy of Britain” Edwards, Charles (1948) Volume 29, No. 336, pp. 127-132
The Red Dragon (Ddraig Goch) has also long been associated with the Britons. Many feel that it is a symbol associated with the Tudor monarchy, but truthfully the Red Dragon predates the Tudor monarchy by several centuries. The Tudors used the Red Dragon to gain Welsh support after putting forward their fraudulent ancestry.
Many have been fooled into believing that the Tudors added the green and white colours to the red dragon of the Britons, but this is incorrect as it is well documented that green and white were the military colours of the Britons long before the Tudors came into power.
. . . The use of titles, shields, protests, public and solemn notifications [were all ways of interrupting prescription or maintaining internal non-territorial claims for territorially dispossessed royal houses]. (de Martins, Summary of the Modern Law of Nations of Europe, [1788] 1864 as quoted in Venezuela, Case of Venezuela in the Question of Boundary Between Venezuela and British Guiana, vol. 2, 1898, p. 295)
The [grand royal] arms of a state are emblems of the dignity and the possession of its territories, or of its right to them [if they are deposed]; for sometimes the state bears both the title and arms of countries which it is not in possession of. This is partly to keep up a claim to them, and partly in memorial of former possession. (Eobald Toze, The Present State of Europe: Exhibiting a View of the Natural and Civil History of the Several Countries and Kingdoms, vol. 1, Thomas Nugent, trans., 1770, pp. 36-37)
. . . Arms of pretension [are] where a sovereign claims de jure [legally and rightfully] a possession which he no longer holds, and sometimes never held, de facto. Thus the kings of England from Edward III to George III bore the French lilies, and claimed to be kings of France, and the kings of Sardinia and Naples used the arms of Cyprus and Jerusalem. In fact, nearly all the older sovereigns of Europe used arms of this character. The armorial shield of the house of Austria at the dissolution of the empire affords a number of curious examples of arms of pretension. Besides Hungary, Bohemia, Da matia, and Slavonic, it contained Aragon and Sicily, Brabant, Swabia, Antwer, Flanders, Burgundy, Naples, Jerusalem, Lombardy, and Milan. (The Encyclopaedia Brittanica: A Dictionary of Arts, Sciences and General Literature, vol. 11, “Heraldry,” 1880, p. 614)
To this day, the Britons still fly their own flags, as they have always historically done; which are separate and independent from the United Kingdom’s flag in clear protest of the unlawful annexation and occupation of their lands. The photo above shows the Welsh Red Dragon, the arms of Owain Glyndŵr, and the flag of Saint David. It has been stated in Welsh literature the Britons would regain their independence under the pure banner of St. David.
Llywelyn proved there were no other claimants to the position of leadership of the nation of Britons or the native incorporeal hereditaments (royal titles) at the time his claim was lodged, which would later bar all other parties under the legal principle of laches. The inheritance of his titles was recognised at an international arbitration tribunal in Tokyo, Japan; and in the Superior Court of California in the United States of America (Case#37-2016-00044244-CU-PT-NC). It is important to note that it is not the multiple court decisions that have granted Llywelyn the position of leadership that he claimed, but rather the British/Welsh laws themselves and the laws of nations. There is no court in the world that may grant sovereignty, the courts have merely recognised something already existing in the law as part of his titles. Since his legal cases, Llywelyn has created treaties with other nations and international personalities, which is how sovereigns maintain their sovereignty and their titles.
There is no requirement in the international law for the de jure sovereign to register their claim with the usurping government. On the contrary, the international law states the ‘usurpers of Britain’ have no right to interfere with the succession to the leadership of the nation of Britons.
By inheriting and exercising the titles, Llywelyn created a long running diplomatic protest on the international record amalgamated to his blood line, and an avenue for the Britons to have access to their historical claim to sovereignty and restore them to their proper place in the world. Llywelyn, King of Britons, has been officially and legally recognised as having “fons honorum” rights for the Britons. He has rights recognised under international law to work towards an independence, and appoint and seat a government, raise an army, create treaties and alliances with other nations, and bestow honours and titles.